This thesis was written to examine Goethe's efforts to emulate the Greeks and write in their spirit. Works most helpful in the study were Humphry Trevelyan's Goethe and the Greeks, Kenry Hatfield's Aesthetic Paganism in German Literature, Eliza Butler's The Tyranny of Greece over Germany, and the works of Goethe which show his relationship with the Greeks.

The purpose of this thesis is to provide for the reader an isolated study based on a thorough research of the Adams Papers, Congressional Globe, and American Foreign Relations Papers, of Adams' views on slavery, both legal and moral.

The purpose of this study is to examine Jackson's public and private attitude toward federally-financed internal improvements and to determine exactly what his policy was and how it related to his conception of the presidential office.

This thesis is an analysis of the arguments over the major questions about the Battle of Jutland. These questions include ones on naval strategy, tactics, materiel, and the effect of the battle.

This work attempts to examine the relationship shared by two ideologically opposed groups during the post-World War I period in Germany. The officer corps is viewed as a relic of the traditional imperial state while the socialists represented the harbinger of the modern, democratic, industrialized state. Although it should seem evident that these two factions of society would be natural enemies, the chaos of World War I pushed these ideological, opposites into the same corner.

This essay attempts to fill some of the gaps in our knowledge of Corral's public life, especially for the period of his vice-presidency. It is divided into three parts, covering Corral's career in state and national politics and in exile.

During the second world war relations between the United States and Ireland deteriorated to the point that many Irishmen feared that an American invasion of Ireland was imminent. At the same time many people in the United States came to believe that the Irish government of Eamon de Valera was pro-Nazi, This study examines the causes for the deterioration of relations between the two countries and the actual attitudes of David Gray, the United States minister to Ireland, and other American officials toward Irish neutrality. Since there are few secondary works on the subject, the research was undertaken almost entirely among primary sources, personal and diplomatic papers, various American newspapers, and memoirs. Of particular importance were David Gray's personal papers, especially his frequent letters to President Franklin D. Roosevelt.. Copies of some letters, not available among Gray's personal papers at the University of Wyoming, were furnished by the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. The study has also made extensive use of the diplomatic papers published by the Department of $tate in the various volumes of the Foreign Relations of the United States. Finally, the author corresponded with more than a dozen of those still living who were …

This paper focuses on the Secret Six who consisted of Theodore Parker, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, Samuel Gridley Howe, George Luther Stearns, and Gerrit Smith, and the concepts that these men believed in regarding the type of society they wanted established in the United States. The dominant theme in the minds of this Secret Six was the romantic belief in the free individual. The belief in the free individual living in a free, progressive society held out the promise that America could become a perfect community of autonomous individuals and an example for all the world. But the Secret Six realized that for America to be this perfect community of autonomous individuals, America had to be freed of any determinism in its institutions. These six crusaders had such faith in their theories of individualism, that they abandoned moral persuasion and accepted violence as the principal means of establishing their society. These men believed that only the type of an individual who was willing to use violence if necessary and to die for the dictates of his conscience, could reform America into a community that exemplified to the world a belief in the free individual.

Throughout the history of American slavery and abolitionist activities Jefferson was a key figure. Because he so clearly and fervently denounced slavery as inconsistent with natural rights and the ideology of the Revolution, he has been hailed by many as a champion of equality. On the other hand, Jefferson owned many slaves during his lifetime, and he freed only seven, five of these being emancipated through his will. This fact has made him vulnerable to attacks from modern historians. The critics have oversimplified and distorted matters relating to slavery as they applied to Jefferson and his time. Slavery during his lifetime was not the dramatic issue that it has been made out to be. The major passion of Jefferson's generation was the establishment of a sound Union for whites, based on general principles of republicanism. Specifically, for Jefferson, this meant the establishment of a nation for self-governing, self-sufficient white farmers. In his Notes on Virginia, Jefferson declared that "those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of God if ever he had a chosen people."2 The Creator had deposited in these people, to a greater extent than in any other group, a large amount of true virtue. Looking …

Historians and political scientists have written prodigiously on the long, versatile, and at times brilliant political career of James Madison, who, as a politician from Virginia, prolific writer, and an incisive thinker, became Thomas Jefferson's secretary of state, and president of the United States from 1809 to 1817. Over the years, however, there has been little consensus in American historiography concerning the effectiveness of Madison's career as president. This widespread divergence of opinion among scholars relating to his presidency is largely centered on the seemingly complex nature of Madison.

The concept which Martin Luther had of the nature of woman did a great deal to intensify the idea of woman's inferiority in the modern world. Framed by an investigation of the traditional and unique aspects of that concept and speculation about its effect on succeeding generations, a delineation of Luther's view will reveal his contribution to the concept of female inferiority and evil. As a formulator of religious and ethical concepts for modern man, Luther insured the continuance of this idea in the modern world. While it has adapted to changes in society's forms, the whole fabric of Luther's view of the female remains. Though some of his ideas remain as remnants reduced to truisms, the impact which they still have on human relationships and societal structure cannot be taken lightly.

Ramón Corral, Vice-President of Mexico from 1904 to 1911, was a crucial figure in the fall of the Porfiriato. As a politician, he worked diligently to preserve the Díaz regime. As the heir-apparent to the presidency after Díaz's death, Corral became a symbol against whom the opponents of the dictatorship of Díaz could rally. In spite of Corral's importance, he has been ignored by post-revolutionary Mexican historians - no biography of Crral has appeared since 1910. The secondary sources for the Porfiriato are inadequate to a study of Corral's career. Therefore, research centered mostly on primary sources, chiefly those in the Colección General Porfirio Díaz (Cholula, Puebla), Mexico City Newspapers, the Corral Papers in the Centro de Estudios Históricos (Mexcio City), and the Archivo General del Estado and Archivo Histórico in Hermosillo, Sonora. The Colección General Porfirio Díaz at the University of the Americas was the most important since this depository is the most extensive collection of materials on the Porfiriato and the one used least by scholars. This essay attempts to fill some of the gaps in our knowledge of Corral's public life, especially for the period of his vice-presidency. It is divided into three parts, covering Corral's career …