None

This report examines factors which might be relevant for U.S. policy towards Macau after it reverts to Chinese administration on December 20, 1999. It includes a brief background to the reunification, followed by the discussion of economic and social factors which make the case of Macau different for China than the case of Hong Kong, as well as Macau's economic relevance to the United States.

None

From abstract: This report provides a brief background on religions in the People's Republic of China and discusses official Chinese government attitudes toward religious observance.

This report tracks trends in and legislation considered by the 105th Congress in regard to China.

This report addresses implications for U.S. economic interests related China’s response to the Global Financial Crisis.

This report provides an overview of the Chinese space program since 1970, including commercial launches of U.S.- built spacecraft.

This report describes the origins and command, roles, and influence of Commission of Science, Technology, and Industry for National Defense (COSTIND) in the PLA and the defense industries of China.

None

On May 31, the President formally recommended a one-year extension of most-favored-nation (MFN) treatment for China. [l] MFN treatment allows China's products to enter the United States at the same low tariff rates that apply to virtually all trading partners. Supporters of MFN status for China argue, among other things, that denial of MFN status could bring retaliatory actions that would hurt U.S. agricultural exports. China has threatened to retaliate if the United States denies it MFN treatment. Since China is a leading market for U.S. agricultural products, the threat of such action is a serious matter for U.S. agricultural interests.

Congressional interest in the leadership change and economic transformation underway in China has grown substantially over the past few years. Leading congressional concerns focus on how economic conditions in China pose opportunities for U.S. enterprise and how the evolution of conditions in China fosters U.S. security, economic, and political interests. Congressional concern with China grew in 1995 and 1996 as a result of reports of the serious decline in the health of senior Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. Present conditions in China include; A vibrant but sometimes overheated economy, A less divided central political leadership.

The continuation in effect of China's most-favored-nation status with the United States is contingent principally on the maintenance in force of the waiver of full compliance with the requirements of the freedom-of-emigration ("Jackson-Vanik") amendment of the Trade Act of 1974. Waivers and their underlying authority must be extended annually.

This report discusses the summit held by President Bill Clinton and other leaders of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) on November 19, 1995. The report discusses the primary reason for the summit, an Action Agenda intended to lead to free and open trade and investment among its members. The report also discusses how APEC countries were divided on certain issues going into this summit.

On May 26, 1994, President Clinton announced he was recommending that MFN status be extended to China for another year despite Beijing's failure to meet the human rights conditions set forward in his Executive Order of the previous year (Executive Order 12850). In addition, the President announced he was taking additional steps with respect to China, including: maintaining U.S. sanctions imposed as a result of the events in Tiananmen

It has been suggested recently that most-favored-nation (MFN) status be extended to China permanently by determining that it is no longer a nonmarket economy (NME) country and thus removing China from the purview of the freedom-of-emigration waiver of the Jackson-Vanik amendment, required for the annual renewal of the MFN status of NME countries.

By June 3, 1994, President Clinton must determine whether or not to recommend to Congress a one-year extension of his Jackson-Vanik waiver authority, in effect extending most-favored-nation (MFN)[1] trading status to China for anothe year. The media are reporting that the President has not yet decided whether he will ask for an extension, and that he may also be deliberating over whether or not to attach conditions to a recommendation for approval.

As a result of an initiative by Australia in 1989, the United States joined with eleven other Asia/Pacific nations in creating APEC, the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation organization. This report discusses the annual Ministerial Meeting of APEC in Seattle, held from November 17 - 19, 1993.

By June 3, 1993, President Clinton must determine whether or not he intends to recommend to the Congress a one-year extension of his Jackson-Vanik waiver authority, in effect extending most-favored-nation (MFN)[1] trading status to China for another year. The media are reporting that the President has decided to grant an extension, but that he is still deliberating over whether or not to attach certain conditions to the approval

Report on trade between the U.S. and China of missile and satellite technology, including funding, how classified information is handled, jurisdictional concerns, and more.

Members of Congress are concerned about whether U.S. firms have provided technology or expertise to China for use in its ballistic missile program and whether a series of decisions by the Clinton Administration on satellite exports have facilitated legal or illegal transfers of missile-related technology to China. The New York Times reported in April 1998 that the Justice Department is conducting an ongoing criminal investigation into whether Loral Space and Communications (of New York), and Hughes Electronics (of Los Angeles) violated export control laws. The firms are alleged to have shared their findings with China on the cause of a Chinese rocket’s explosion while launching a U.S.-origin satellite in February 1996. In sharing their conclusions, the companies are said to have provided expertise that China could use to improve its ballistic missiles, including their guidance systems. This CRS report provides detailed background information, significant Congressional action, and a comprehensive chronology. The events summarized here, based on various open sources and interviews, pertain to various aspects of U.S. foreign and security policy.

This report discusses possible outcomes and implications for U.S. interests vary. For example, increasingly effective political administration and reform with continued successful economic modernization would be generally compatible with U.S. interests in greater economic opportunity, foreign policy cooperation, and political liberalization in China. Alternatively, Chinese administration, economic vitality, and internal cohesion could degenerate, limiting U.S. economic opportunities, challenging U.S. interests in stability in East Asia, but also diminishing potential threats from a strong China. Finally, China could develop formidable economic power while retaining authoritarian political control, with China emerging as a world power less interested in accommodating U.S. interests than in opposing them.

In the months approaching China's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, policy analysts are trying to assess how the territory will fare under Chinese rule. The answer is important to U.S. interests because of the enormous U.S. economic presence in Hong Kong; because any adverse developments in Hong Kong are likely to affect U.S.-China relations; and because China's promise to give Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the "one-China, two-systems" policy has major implications for Taiwan. But given the political situation, the American ability to affect the course of events in Hong Kong seems marginal unless the U.S. decides to confront Beijing more directly. Developments in U.S.-China relations in 1994-1995 suggest Washington might be hesitant to do so.

In the months approaching China's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, policy analysts are trying to assess how the territory will fare under Chinese rule. The answer is important to U.S. interests because of the enormous U.S. economic presence in Hong Kong; because any adverse developments in Hong Kong are likely to affect U.S.-China relations; and because China's promise to give Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the "one-China, two-systems" policy has major implications for Taiwan. But given the political situation, the American ability to affect the course of events in Hong Kong seems marginal unless the U.S. decides to confront Beijing more directly. Developments in U.S.-China relations in 1994-1995 suggest Washington might be hesitant to do so.

Hong Kong's return to China on July 1, 1997, went surprisingly smoothly. In the ensuing months, policy analysts are trying to assess how the territory will fare in the longer run under Chinese rule. The answer is important to U.S. interests because of the enormous U.S. economic presence in Hong Kong; because any adverse developments in Hong Kong are likely to affect U.S.-China relations; and because China's promise to give Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the "one-China, two-systems" policy has major implications for Taiwan. But given the political situation, the American ability to affect the course of events in Hong Kong seems marginal unless the U.S. decides to confront Beijing more directly. Developments in U.S.-China relations in recent years suggest Washington might be hesitant to do so.