Personal statements of Charlotte Cotter and Willa Mei Kurland regarding their adoptions from Zhenjiang City in Jiangsu Province (Charlotte) and from Urumqi in Xinjiang Province, China. The statement begins with a brief overview of their trip to China to search for their birth families, then has reproduced their blog posts from their time in China. The blogs, written by both Charlotte and Willa, contain their reflections on the experience and describe the methods they used to search. The last couple pages include photos Willa and Charlotte and links to youtube videos.

Personal statement of Jeanette Scinto regarding her adoption from the Chenzhou Welfare Center in Hunan Province, China. She shares her desire to know her entire story and thoughts regarding her Chinese name, Dan Dan. There is a photo of Jeanette included on the second page of her statement.

Personal statement of Tinka regarding the adoption of her son from Hunan Province. Tinka discusses her work as a volunteer in orphanages in Hunan Province from 1995-2005 and how she adopted her son and moved back to Switzerland. There is a photo of her with her son at the end of her statement.

Interview of Caroline Heath's parents conducted by Caroline Heath (age 10), regarding her adoption of from the Yuangchun SWI in Guangdong Province, China. Caroline interviews her parents, asking them why they wanted to adopt her, why her mother has maintained their Chinese adoption group, what were their experiences in China, and what being a parent is like.

Oral history with Tinka regarding the adoption of her son from Hunan Province. She speaks about her work as a volunteer orphanage worker in China, particularly her work with children with impairments or disabilities, and her NGO's efforts to build support systems for children with disabilities. She speaks about how she adopted her son, who has cerebral palsy and a mental disability, and the transition for him from China to Switzerland.

This dissertation studies a critical facet of Chinese politics, inspections by higher Chinese government to villages. Principally, it looks at how village economic development determines government inspection decisions and how inspections, once conducted, impact village politics. Specifically, I argue that villages perceived as destabilizing to the Chinese regime, villages with higher levels of economic inequality and villages located at the two extremes of economic development, should see more inspections. In addition, I argue that inspections, in return, drive village politics: they increase village leaders' governing efficacy and raise villagers' political awareness. This theory has received strong support from both field work and quantitative empirical tests using the Chinese Household Income Project (2002) dataset.