By June 3, 1993, President Clinton must determine whether or not he intends to recommend to the Congress a one-year extension of his Jackson-Vanik waiver authority, in effect extending most-favored-nation (MFN)[1] trading status to China for another year. The media are reporting that the President has decided to grant an extension, but that he is still deliberating over whether or not to attach certain conditions to the approval

Trade-related issues promise to play a major role in legislative actions of the 103nd Congress. This bibliography lists the currently available products issued since 1991 by CRS researchers on trade-related topics, including U.S. trade policy, NAFTA and the Uruguay Round, industry and technology issues, foreign investment concerns, and relations with major trading partners.

Trade and trade-related issues are prominent parts of the agenda of the 103rd Congress. The Congress has already acted on some issues, in particular the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It will have to consider legislation to implement the trade agreements reached during the Uruguay Round of the GATT, which was completed on Dec. 15,1993.

Controlling the discharge of toxic pollutants into the Nation's waters is once again an issue as Congress considers reauthorizing the Clean Water Act. This report describes the evolution of programs and policies in the Act concerning toxic pollutants, discusses current problems with implementation of some of these programs and policies, and outlines a number of issues that are on the legislative agenda.

Congressional interest in China's transformation has grown. Congressional concerns focus on economic opportunities in China and how conditions there affect U.S. security, economic and political interests.

On Oct. 7, 1992, Hong Kong's new Governor, Christopher F. Patten, unveiled a set of proposals to expand the voting franchise in Hong Kong and broaden the scope of other democratic initiatives. The People's Republic of China, which resumes sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, has objected strenuously to the proposals, claiming they are a violation of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong. British and Hong Kong officials deny this, stating that the proposals deal with matters not mentioned in the Joint Declaration.

The Federal government's high-level waste disposal program is designed to build a permanent repository for highly radioactive waste from nuclear power plants and defense facilities. The Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 (NWPA) created an office in the Department of Energy (DOE) to develop this repository, to be paid for by a fee on nuclear-generated electricity.

Numerous indicators are used to make international comparisons of health spending. The two most often used show: 1) health spending as a share of a nation's overall economy percent of GDP); and 2) a nation's real (adjusted for inflation and exchange rates) per capita spending.

North Korea is undergoing a wrenching phase of adjustment to an uncertain post-Soviet world. Its government is reined in by two major constraints: fear that any political or economic reform would have the same fatal consequence for itself as it had for the former Soviet Union and other erstwhile allies; and fear that the United States, South Korea, and other "enemies" would stop at nothing to overthrow the communist regime of the North. The United States has a major stake in the outcome of North Korea's effort to deal with its daunting task.

This paper describes the meaning and applications of ecosystem and of the related terms watershed and biome. It discusses the pros and cons of all three as organizing principles for land management, and the major issues that are likely to arise in the debate over ecosystem management.

The Pacific Northwest is a major exporter of unprocessed softwood logs to foreign countries, such as Japan, that are often sold at premium prices. Consequently, some local mills have had difficulty obtaining unprocessed logs, which has contributed to the loss of timber industry jobs in the Pacific Northwest. Thus, many believe that exporting logs is the economic and moral equivalent of exporting U.S. jobs.

Japan, as an issue, has entered the debate over U.S. approval of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in several ways. The Clinton Administration has argued that Americans should support NAFTA because if it fails to pass Congress, Japan will rush to negotiate a similar arrangement with Mexico. Proponents of NAFTA also have argued that since Japan opposes NAFTA (because of its presumed protectionism and the benefits it provides to North American businesses), it must be "good for America." Opponents of NAFTA argue that the agreement would provide opportunities for Japanese manufacturers to invest in Mexico and export unfettered to the American market. Also, they assert that NAFTA would be like previous trade agreements, particularly with Japan, that have ended up hurting the U.S. economy. In either case, the effects of NAFTA on Japan would likely be small.

Japanese officials interviewed for this project in May-early June 1993 were generally sanguine about relations with the United States at the start of the Clinton Administration, but the Administrations's strong emphasis on U.S.- Japan trade issues in recent months deepened their pessimism over the near term prospects of U.S.-Japan relations. They were uncertain whether U.S.- Japanese talks on trade issues prior to the Clinton-Miyazawa summit of July 1993 would reflect a basic change in U.S. trade policy that in term would alter their generally pessimistic outlook.

NAFTA raises potential economic and political issues for U.S. relations with Asian countries for whom the agreement presents uncertainties regarding the future of their market opportunities in North America. As countries not associated with a preferential trading arrangement of their own, Asian countries are concerned that a trend toward regional trade agreements may affect the capacity of multilateral institutions to protect their global trading interests. This report examines Asian perceptions of NAFTA in both their economic and political dimensions, how Asian countries may respond in concrete ways to NAFTA, and, assuming that NAFTA gains approval in the U.S. Congress, what steps the United States might take toward facilitating a smooth reception for NAFTA in Asia.

With the end of the Cold War and of a period during which foreign assistance was motivated frequently by East-West security and political considerations, a debate has emerged over setting a new foreign aid rationale. The debate has included calls advocating a much more direct use of America foreign assistance to support U.S. commercial interests, especially for programs administered by the Agency for International Development (AID). Proponents assert that the active promotion of the U.S. trade position should be one of the top U.S. foreign policy interests and, therefore, the foreign aid program should be used on behalf of that purpose. They argue that the United States should increase assistance in the form of capital projects that can provide opportunities for American exporters, reduce cash transfer aid that in some cases is spent on non-U.S. products, and strengthen "Buy America" provisions in foreign aid laws.

On May 25, 1989, President Bush proposed that the United States undertake the Structural Impediments Initiative (SII), a series of discussions with Japan to address certain fundamental Japanese economic policies and business practices that the United States claims impede U.S. exports and investments. The SII was, in part, a Bush Administration response to the stubborn U.S. trade deficit and other problems that have caused friction in the U.S. trading relationship with Japan. It was also a response to congressional pressure to deal more aggressively with Japanese unfair trade practices and to calls from critics to adopt a "managed" trade policy toward Japan.

The U.S. officials interviewed for this study see little chance of an immediate improvement in U.S. relations with Japan over the next year. Trends in the United States and Japan in recent years have led to deepening U.S. frustrations, especially over economic issues. These developments have combined with fundamental changes (notably the collapse of the USSR) affecting U.S.-Japanese political-military ties to lead many U.S. officials to question the allocation of costs and benefits in the U.S.-Japan relationship and to press for arrangements that will alter the allocation in the interests of the United States. U.S. officials assume that their Japanese counterparts are undertaking similar reassessments.

A provision in the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, the Delaney Clause, appears to lower risks in the setting of tolerances for pesticide residues. It prohibits any substance from being added to processed foods if it induces cancer in man or animals. In reality, the provision created a dilemma because the zero-risk statute makes it difficult to regulate pesticides. Because of the prescription of Delaney, tolerances (legal limits) are established differently for carcinogens and non-carcinogens and in raw and processed foods.

Relations between Russia and Japan are seriously strained. At the heart of the impasse is a territorial dispute over a group of islands seized by the Soviet Union in 1945 and claimed by both countries. The Japanese Government maintains that there can be no normalization of relations between the two countries until Russia agrees to return the islands. Japan may refuse to participate in large-scale economic assistance to Russia until it is satisfied on the territorial question.

The Clinton Administration and the 103rd Congress are in the early stages of a major review of U.S. trade, international and security relations with Japan, the principal U.S. ally and trading partner in Asia. A number of recent developments have raised tensions in this mutually beneficial relationship, which is still characterized by deepening economic interdependence and close political and security cooperation. These include the end of the Cold War, which has eliminated a common military threat; the recent renewed rise in Japan's trade surplus after several years of decline; and increasing international assertiveness by Japan, sometimes in conflict with U.S. policy.

Steel jaw leghold traps are used in 47 States in the United States to capture furbearing animals (Florida and Rhode Island have prohibited use except with special permit for nuisance animals, and New Jersey has banned all uses). In addition to use by the fur industry, these traps are employed by State agencies in game management (e.g., to control predators and diseases). The leghold trap issue pits animal welfare groups opposed to the pain and suffering of trapped animals against supporters of the trap who maintain that alternatives are not cost effective and/or efficient.

Japan has quickly risen to prominence as a donor of official development assistance (ODA), providing volumes of aid on par with the United States since the late 1980s. Originally a tool to bolster Japan's postwar economic recovery, Japanese aid has gradually assumed importance as a foreign policy tool. Faced with increased pressure from the international community to play a greater role in meeting global challenges and lacking the military and diplomatic resources of other nations, Japan has increasingly turned to its foreign aid as a source of world influence.

Despite explicit Federal legislation forbidding combining commercial banking with commerce, it remains possible through corporate ownership to combine two kinds of banks with nonbanking activities. Federal legislation does permit combinations that have the effect of allowing some commingling, as is shown below. Continuing efforts to encourage these mixtures may be patterned on industrial banks or nonbank banks, whose operations are favorable for owners such as insurance, securities, or industrial firms.

Japan emerged as the largest foreign direct investor in the U.S. economy in 1992, despite a sharp drop in the total value and number of U.S. businesses acquired and established by foreign investors. This change in Japan's status was spurred by a slight increase in investment spending by Japanese investors combined with a decrease in the British investment position. The foreign direct investment position in U.S. businesses and real estate - or the accumulated book value of all foreign investments - increased by $5 billion in 1992, the smallest change in two decades. Economists generally believe that foreign direct investment yields positive net benefits to both the host and the investing countries. For some American firms, the foreign investment inflows have been especially beneficial because they supplied the firms with funds during times when many U.S. commercial banks were unwilling to finance them.