"This thesis analyzes the impact of the Mexican-American voters in south Texas on the 1960 presidential election. During that election year, this ethnic minority was strong enough to merit direct appeals from the Democratic presidential candidate, and subsequently, allowed to conduct a unique campaign divorced from the direct control of the conservative state Democratic machinery...The study of the Mexican-American political behavior in 1960 proceeds in three stages. The first chapter examines the political factionalism within the state Democratic Party suggest the conservative solution to the problem of liberal splinter groups, and evaluates Lyndon Johnson's contribution to the Democratic ticket in south Texas. Chapter II probes into the importance of imagery and indentity in politics, challenges the possibility of a religiously-based bloc vote in south Texas, but postulates the probability of a sub-conscious religious identification with the Democratic candidate. The last chapter describes the Valley 'Viva Kennedy' clubs, their origin, organization, activities, and contributions. To substantiate the author's hypothesis, oral interviews, club reports, personal files, letters, and contemporary newspapers were extensively used."-- leaf 1.

The American Dream promised success to Americans in the nineteenth century. This study analyzes the possibilities for average individuals to succeed in rapidly growing Dallas, Texas from 1880 to 1910. Success is measured in terms of occupational, property, and geographical mobility. Available materials dealing with average persons from Dallas: tax rolls, city directories, and the manuscript census for 1880 are evaluated, The focus of this study is primarily on the black population, but for comparison whites and immigrants were also studied. A sample of 216 whites, 212 immigrants, 210 blacks, and 81 mulattoes was randomly drawn from the 1880 census schedules. These men were traced through directories and tax rolls for the period from 1880 to 1910. Information was also tabulated on the female heads of household in Dallas in 1880.

City planning in Dallas, Texas, gives insight into various aspects of the early planning movement in the United States. Dallas city planning offers an opportunity to study the initial work for a plan; citizens' involvement in the pre-planning campaign and later in the workings of the plan itself; the conception of the plan; its implementation; and the differences between the proposed and the implemented plan. Specifically, the 1911 plan for Dallas, Texas affords a chance to examine Kansas City landscape architect George E. Kessler's ideas on urban areas. He believed that planning for an adequate boulevard system would enhance the beauty of a city as well as improving the business climate.

This is an economic and social history of the Texas Electric Railway, which operated three interurban lines branching out of Dallas. The railway operated from 1917 until 1948, although the company was not dissolved until 1955. Of necessity, the study is based on primary source materials, including railway pamphlets, trade journals such as the Electric Rai Journal, personal interviews, Texas and United States Government documents and publications, and newspapers. Unfortunately, original financial records of the company no longer exist; therefore, financial information comes from Moody's Manual of Investments, Public Utilities.

In contrast to the relatively rapid changes occurring in the modern American army, the period between the end of the War of 1812 and the beginning of the Mexican War offers a definite period for a study of military life when reform came slowly. During the period of study, leaders made few attempts to reform the general structure of the military institution as a social system. On the other hand, many changes can be discerned which improved weaponry and equipment, tactics, supply and administrative procedures, moral guidance, recreational facilities, and pay.

The purpose of this monograph is to study the early Texas Republican party within the framework of well-known political party functions, i.e., to provide political leadership, recruit governmental personnel, generate public policy, and propagate ideology.

This work is a study of white Texans' attitudes toward their role in the federal Union and their right to secede from it during the antebellum period. The central question of the study is why did people so strongly Unionist in 1846 became so strongly secessionist by 1861. In tracing this significant shift in Texans' sentiment, the author especially emphasizes the racial attitudes of white Texans, their emotional defense of the institution of slavery, and their strong conviction that the Negroes, if emancipated, would destroy white society. Of special importance to this study is the relationship of Texans' racial attitudes to their attitudes toward the Union.