The transgender community in India, commonly known as hijras, consists of people who were born as males but address themselves as females. They have been considered as the third gender in India for millennia and have had specific religious and sociocultural values and roles, but are forced to live in shadows in this day and age. Isolation of this community is also reflected in the way transgender characters are represented in Indian entertainment media. The study analyses two transgender themed films semiotically and the audience reception of those representations by 20 members of the transgender community. Semiotics is a helpful tool to understand the ways signs communicate ideas to viewers. This study applies syntagmatic and paradigmatic analyses to understand how images are used to represent and relay information to the audience. Reception theory along with double colonization has been incorporated in this study to analyse the ways in which the transgender community interprets the representations in entertainment media.

A souvenir on late Budaola (Budmol) Daimari published by the reception committee on the day of his funeral ceremony at No.1 Balisitha.

An article on the role of women in educational foundations. A souvenir of BSS, published by the reception committee for of its 59th annual conference held at Khoirabari, Odalguri on 20-22 Jan. 2020.

An article on work culture for young generation. A souvenir of Dularai Boro Harimu Afat published by the reception committee for its 17th annual conference held at Kajiamati, Odalguri on 09-10 Jan. 2020.

Recording of a conversation between Prafulla Basumatary (Male, age 52) and Babrubahan Swargiary (Male, age 63) in which Babrubahan remembers his college days. They discuss the modes of transportation used at the time, the teachers and subjects in school, along with different activities.

Recording of a conversation between Prafulla Basumatary (Male, age 52) and Babrubahan Swargiary (Male, age 63) in which Babrubahan describes the reformation of the Bathou religion and various programs and activities along with different wings affiliated to All Bathou Mahasabha.

Recording of a conversation between Prafulla Basumatary (Male, age 52) and Babrubahan Swargiary (Male, age 63) in which Babrubahan describes the history of the school.

Recording of a formal speech by Prafulla Basumatary (Male, age 52) which contains a description of primary school life and friends, present situation, and thanks-giving.

Recording of a formal speech by Maneswar Basumatary (Male, age 40) which contains addressing the gathering and vote of thanks to the audience.

Recording of a formal speech by Gobinda Baglari (Male, age 65) which contains a description of personal experiences as a school teacher, village situation, expression of gratitude.

Recording of a formal speech by Sanibor Boro (Male, age 30) which contains an expression of commitment, asking for cooperation and gratitude.

Recording of a formal speech by Kameswar Basumatary (Male, age 60) which contains a description of a village situation, personal career, advice to parents, and thanks-giving.

Recording of formal speech by Baburam Basumatary (Male, age 70), and it contains a description of social situation, advice to parents, and thanksgiving.

Speech by Jwmwisa Boro (Male, age 20) on felicitation and thanks-giving.

Recording of a conversation between Prafulla Basumatary (Male, age 52) and Babrubahan Swargiary (Male, age 63) in which Babrubahan describes his childhood.

This is a retelling of the pear story.

Presentation from a panel, "Considering Individual and Community Contexts Within Information Pedagogy, Scholarship, and Practice," that was held virtually for the 83rd Annual Meeting of the Association for Information Science & Technology (ASIS&T). This portion of the panel focuses on the author's research into community-based language research (CBLR) and the Lamkang language.

This is a photograph of Toofani Kaka with Maaz Shaikh.

This is a performance of a traditional song titled 'Beṭi' (Eng. The daughter) followed by a discussion on the same. This folksong is sung on the occasion of rukhsatī 'the bride's departure to her husband's home after the marriage'. It describes how differently the bride's blood-related family members—the mother, father, and brother—get strong memories of her absence. In contrast, the non-blood-related sister-in-law doesn't feel her absence at all—instead, she's glad that the bride left. In this, the daughters The folksong is in the Bhojpuri language, the mother tongue of Asiya Khatoon, whereas the discussion is in Urdu and somewhat in Azamgarhi.

This is a monologue on the Pardhānī (village head) elections in Rāmpūr in the Bhojpuri language. The elections were approaching closer at the time of recording, and the speaker Mr. Jameel who was the ex-village headman of Rāmpūr was contesting this time too. He speaks on the history of these elections and his contesting of the same. He then moves on to give information on Rampur village, its demography, and nearby villages.

This is a conversation where Mr. Satsri Mangal, a resident of Chaudhrīpūr in Rāmpūr village, places his demands before Mr. Jameel, the former and currently contesting Pardhān (village head) of Rampur. Mr. Jameel listens to his demands, and then Mr. Satsri Mangal narrates some incidents. After that, Mr. Jameel starts a conversation with the village children who were playing cricket a while ago and gathered around the recording place after noticing some recording taking place.

This is a photograph of Shahida Bano reciting a folk song which is being recorded by a recorder in Sonwara village of Azamgarh.

This is a photograph of Toofani Kaka.

This is a retelling of the story of Raja Janmejai and of the King and Queen of Mehnagar narrated by Toofani Kaka