This is a video recording of a conversation of Aquil Ahmad at his farm with the farm laborers and when visiting his farms. The conversation starts with Mr. Aquil introducing and enumerating the benefits of technology in agriculture, such as the ‘Superseeder’ machine that plows the stubble left after harvesting and sows the seeds. Then he directs his workers on how to scatter the seeds and fertilizer. After that, Mr. Musafir arrives, and Mr. Aquil discusses the various farm produce in recent years and the required efforts and challenges involved. Then he asks Mr. Musafir to share his personal accounts with the researcher. Mr. Aquil too shares his personal experiences from the past. Later on, they both talk about political issues.

Presentation from a panel, "Considering Individual and Community Contexts Within Information Pedagogy, Scholarship, and Practice," that was held virtually for the 83rd Annual Meeting of the Association for Information Science & Technology (ASIS&T). This portion of the panel focuses on the author's research into community-based language research (CBLR) and the Lamkang language.

This is a photograph of Toofani Kaka with Maaz Shaikh.

This is a performance of a traditional song titled 'Beṭi' (Eng. The daughter) followed by a discussion on the same. This folksong is sung on the occasion of rukhsatī 'the bride's departure to her husband's home after the marriage'. It describes how differently the bride's blood-related family members—the mother, father, and brother—get strong memories of her absence. In contrast, the non-blood-related sister-in-law doesn't feel her absence at all—instead, she's glad that the bride left. In this, the daughters The folksong is in the Bhojpuri language, the mother tongue of Asiya Khatoon, whereas the discussion is in Urdu and somewhat in Azamgarhi.

This is a monologue on the Pardhānī (village head) elections in Rāmpūr in the Bhojpuri language. The elections were approaching closer at the time of recording, and the speaker Mr. Jameel who was the ex-village headman of Rāmpūr was contesting this time too. He speaks on the history of these elections and his contesting of the same. He then moves on to give information on Rampur village, its demography, and nearby villages.

This is a monologue on the Pardhaani (village head) elections in Rampur in the Bhojpuri language. The elections were approaching closer at the time of recording, and the speaker Mr. Jameel who was the ex- village headman of Rampur, was contesting this time. He speaks on the history of these elections and his contesting of the same. He then moves on to give information on Rampur village and nearby villages.

This is a personal narrative by the son of Sahngi. Sahngi and Mahngi were two brothers who worked on the farms of Sadruddin, Maaz’s great grandfather. Mr. Toofani first introduces Maaz to Mr. Sahngi’s son and his relative and then leaves for work. Mr. Sahngi’s son narrates some incidences of Sadruddin and his contesting of the Pardhānī (village head) elections. He then talks about Maaz’s family members and his relationship with them. After that, he narrates his early adulthood time spent in Delhi, old times in Sonwārā village, and changing times.

The speaker narrates about the preparation for community fishing. In order to go fishing, some twenty or thirty people go to identify the spot. Based on everyone’s opinion, they decided on a place to do the fishing. A day before fishing, some members also go deep to the forest to collect katu, the herb used for fishing. Each member contributes their labor even before the real fishing begins.

The speaker describes the process of beating the katu, an herb used in community fishing. Bundles of katu are beaten with a wooden rod to produce juice and bubbles.

The speaker identifies the different varieties of fish caught in the community fishing expedition.

The speaker narrates about earlier times when their ancestors used to built grand house and conduct ceremonies and pull pillars, posts, and big logs to build bridges. Before they start pulling the bridge materials, their ancestors performed a ritual called kaphi-kapaibo. While performing the ritual, the log will be cleaned with different types of leaves from end to end. This ritual is done so that they would carry the bridge materials easily. It is done to ward off injury or to avoid any sickness so that the villagers would reach their destination without any hindrance.

This narration is about the practice of pulling logs for pillar and post. The speaker narrates about some accompanying activities like elders beating drum and singing while logs are being pulled in the olden days.

The speaker narrates about the practice of pulling big logs to build a bridge. This practice was passed down from many generations and it is still in practice today. Because this practice has been done since since our ancestors' time, people selflessly take part in pulling big stones and logs. Every villager contributes in this community work.

The speaker narrates about the traditional practice of community fishing in Tharon village called makukha zuanbo. Tharon people do this from time to time during March-April.

This is a conversation where Mr. Satsri Mangal, a resident of Chaudhrīpūr in Rāmpūr village, places his demands before Mr. Jameel, the former and currently contesting Pardhān (village head) of Rampur. Mr. Jameel listens to his demands, and then Mr. Satsri Mangal narrates some incidents. After that, Mr. Jameel starts a conversation with the village children who were playing cricket a while ago and gathered around the recording place after noticing some recording taking place.

This is a conversation primarily with Mr. Jameel, the former and currently contesting Pardhān (village head) of Rāmpūr village. Mr. Jameel explains to Maaz the presence of dichotomy in speech among the population of Azamgarh and the variety spoken in Rāmpūr and other nearby Muslim-dominated villages. In the last part of the recording, Mr. Jameel talks with a villager who passes by.

This is a conversation primarily with Mr. Jameel, the former and currently contesting Pardhān (village head) of Rampur village. Mr. Jameel gives the researcher information regarding the presence of dichotomy in speech among the population of Azamgarh and the variety spoken in Rampur and other nearby Muslim-dominated villages. In the last part of the recording, Mr. Jameel talks with a villager who passes by.

This is a personal narrative by the son of Sahngi. Sahngi and Mahngi were two brothers who worked on the farms of Sadruddin, Maaz’s great grandfather. Mr. Toofani first introduces Maaz to Mr. Sahngi’s son and his relative and then leaves for work. Mr. Sahngi’s son narrates some incidences of Sadruddin and his contesting of the Pardhānī (village head) elections. He then talks about Maaz’s family members and his relationship with them. After that, he narrates his early adulthood time spent in Delhi, old times in Sonwārā village, and changing times.

This is a photograph of Shahida Bano reciting a folk song which is being recorded by a recorder in Sonwara village of Azamgarh.

This is a photograph of Toofani Kaka.

This is a retelling of the story of Raja Janmejai and of the King and Queen of Mehnagar narrated by Toofani Kaka

This is a performance of a traditional song by the title Abbā kē nadiā (Eng. The river of father) followed by a discussion on the same. This folksong is sung on the occasion of rukhsatī 'the bride's departure to her husband's home after the marriage'. It describes the differences in the emotional attachment that a daughter has with her mother, father, brother, and sister-in-law. The folksong is in the Bhojpuri language, the mother tongue of Asiya Khatoon, whereas the discussion is in Urdu and somewhat in Azamgarhi.

This is a conversation where Mr. Satsri Mangal, a resident of Chaudhrīpūr in Rāmpūr village, places his demands before Mr. Jameel, the former and currently contesting Pardhān (village head) of Rampur. Mr. Jameel listens to his demands, and then Mr. Satsri Mangal narrates some incidents. After that, Mr. Jameel starts a conversation with the village children who were playing cricket a while ago and gathered around the recording place after noticing some recording taking place.

The transgender community in India, commonly known as hijras, consists of people who were born as males but address themselves as females. They have been considered as the third gender in India for millennia and have had specific religious and sociocultural values and roles, but are forced to live in shadows in this day and age. Isolation of this community is also reflected in the way transgender characters are represented in Indian entertainment media. The study analyses two transgender themed films semiotically and the audience reception of those representations by 20 members of the transgender community. Semiotics is a helpful tool to understand the ways signs communicate ideas to viewers. This study applies syntagmatic and paradigmatic analyses to understand how images are used to represent and relay information to the audience. Reception theory along with double colonization has been incorporated in this study to analyse the ways in which the transgender community interprets the representations in entertainment media.