This is a performance of a traditional song titled 'Beṭi' (Eng. The daughter) followed by a discussion on the same. This folksong is sung on the occasion of rukhsatī 'the bride's departure to her husband's home after the marriage'. It describes how differently the bride's blood-related family members—the mother, father, and brother—get strong memories of her absence. In contrast, the non-blood-related sister-in-law doesn't feel her absence at all—instead, she's glad that the bride left. In this, the daughters The folksong is in the Bhojpuri language, the mother tongue of Asiya Khatoon, whereas the discussion is in Urdu and somewhat in Azamgarhi.

This is a monologue on the Pardhānī (village head) elections in Rāmpūr in the Bhojpuri language. The elections were approaching closer at the time of recording, and the speaker Mr. Jameel who was the ex-village headman of Rāmpūr was contesting this time too. He speaks on the history of these elections and his contesting of the same. He then moves on to give information on Rampur village, its demography, and nearby villages.

This is a retelling of the story of Raja Janmejai and of the King and Queen of Mehnagar narrated by Toofani Kaka

This is a performance of a traditional song by the title Abbā kē nadiā (Eng. The river of father) followed by a discussion on the same. This folksong is sung on the occasion of rukhsatī 'the bride's departure to her husband's home after the marriage'. It describes the differences in the emotional attachment that a daughter has with her mother, father, brother, and sister-in-law. The folksong is in the Bhojpuri language, the mother tongue of Asiya Khatoon, whereas the discussion is in Urdu and somewhat in Azamgarhi.

This is a conversation where Mr. Satsri Mangal, a resident of Chaudhrīpūr in Rāmpūr village, places his demands before Mr. Jameel, the former and currently contesting Pardhān (village head) of Rampur. Mr. Jameel listens to his demands, and then Mr. Satsri Mangal narrates some incidents. After that, Mr. Jameel starts a conversation with the village children who were playing cricket a while ago and gathered around the recording place after noticing some recording taking place.

This is a conversation in Karmainī village, situated in the floodplains of the Ghaghra river in North of Azamgarh, with the women of the Naṭ community. They hail from a nearby village named Nakkīb Khojaulī, and identify themselves as (Sunni) Muslims. Badrun Nisa and Sharfun Nisa start by describing why they’ve come to Karmaini. Mateenuddin, Maaz’s grandfather, asks them to narrate how their community was provided with essential supplies during lockdown due to COVID-19. They do so, after which Sharfun Nisa sings a song on demonetization and the problems faced because of it. They then give information about their village and its demography.

This is a conversation between four people in Sonwārā, the researcher’s village. Maaz, accompanied by his cousin Noman, visits Shahida Bano to document some folk songs mostly sung on the occasion of marriages. Rehana Bano—the neighbor of Shahida Bano—on noticing some folksongs being sung and recording taking place, joins the gathering at the request of Shahida. Maaz and Noman then ask her to brief them on topics such as changing times, a description of the demography of the village Sonwārā, the languages/ varieties spoken by Muslims and Hindus. Meanwhile, Maaz—on having noticed Shahida’s language to match with Bhojpuri than Azamgarhi—starts records the ongoing conversation. Shahida then extends the conversation to cover family members and some significant events along with some personal narratives. While Shahida Bano talks in Bhojpuri, the other people converse in Azamgarhi.

This is a conversation primarily with Mr. Jameel, the former and currently contesting Pardhān (village head) of Rāmpūr village. Mr. Jameel explains to Maaz the presence of dichotomy in speech among the population of Azamgarh and the variety spoken in Rāmpūr and other nearby Muslim-dominated villages. In the last part of the recording, Mr. Jameel talks with a villager who passes by.

This is a conversation initially between Munni, her sister, Maaz, and his uncle when they visit her home in Ladhuwāī̃ village. Munni is the wife of Naushad, who has worked with the Maaz’s family for several decades. After a while, Mr. Naushad arrives, and he too joins the conversation.

This is a personal narrative by the son of Sahngi. Sahngi and Mahngi were two brothers who worked on the farms of Sadruddin, Maaz’s great grandfather. Mr. Toofani first introduces Maaz to Mr. Sahngi’s son and his relative and then leaves for work. Mr. Sahngi’s son narrates some incidences of Sadruddin and his contesting of the Pardhānī (village head) elections. He then talks about Maaz’s family members and his relationship with them. After that, he narrates his early adulthood time spent in Delhi, old times in Sonwārā village, and changing times.

This is a personal narrative of the life of the speaker Mateenuddin Shaikh. He narrates his childhood incidences and the early days of his adulthood when he migrates to Mumbai. Additionally, he gives information about his family members and describes his village Sonwara.

This is a personal narrative of the life of the speaker Shazia Shaikh. She narrates many of her childhood incidences. Additionally, she provides a detailed description of most of her family members as well as her village Bairidih.

This is a recording of a conversation while cleaning fishes. There was some conversation between women who were cleaning fishes. In order to get natural data, Maaz goes near to them, sits, and starts recording without alerting them. Suddenly as few seconds pass, one of them alerts, and everyone takes a surprise! But a few moments later, they become comfortable with it. They then start imitating and mocking the far northern variety of Azamgarhi spoken in Dewārā, the flood plain area of the Ghaghra river in the northern part of Azamgarh.

This is a discussion on the popular irrigation systems used in Azamgarh and nearby areas of Purvanchal, Uttar Pradesh state, before the invention of tube wells. This discussion briefly also extends to farming systems and agricultural tools. This discussion was primarily between the researcher and two residents of southern Azamgarh who were distant relatives to the researcher. It took place almost entirely in Urdu, whereas some background noises can be frequently heard in Azamgarhi.

This is a performance of a traditional song by the title ‘Dulahē tērī ãkhiā̃’ (Eng. O bridegroom, your eyes) sung on the occasion of marriage. It praises the beauty of the bridegroom and his costume. Such songs are of great significance to the community; however, until recently, their popularity and importance have started dwindling because of the penetration of urban culture into rural society.

This is a performance of a traditional song by the title ‘Dulahē kī ammā’ (Eng. O the mother of the bridegroom). In this song, the bridegroom’s mother is asked to bless her son on this auspicious marriage occasion. Such folksongs are of great significance to the community; however, until recently, their popularity and importance have started dwindling because of the penetration of urban culture into rural society. This folksong is in the Eastern dialect of Urdu.

This is a story about a king who once takes a walk in his kingdom to check if everyone there is pleased with him. He finds three sisters wishing that if they marry the royal cook, the vizier, and the king, their lives will change forever. This happens, and the king marries the younger sister. She gives birth to a child whom the elder sister replaces with a kitten and leaves him flowing in the river. This happens thrice. The children were found by a gardener who brings them up very well. The story, which is in the Northern (Mandē) dialect with some instances of code-switching to Urdu, continues further.

This is a story of a teacher who once — while teaching his students — says, “I have made you human from donkey by beating, but you don’t understand.” A washerman who had no children passes by and hears this. He then approaches the teacher and pleads with him to turn a donkey into a son for his sake. The teacher agrees to this and asked him to return after six months. The washerman returns after six months and asks for his son. The teacher replies that he taught and trained him so much that he became a judge at the Allahabad High Court. The washerman then visits the court, and the story continues.

This is a story of a husband and wife who once had so little flour left in their house that only three chapatis could be made. The husband says that he will eat two chapatis, and the wife too says the same. A heated exchange took place between them, but they finally agreed that whoever speaks first will eat just one chapati while the other one, two. They lie down and silently stare at each other, and three days pass like this. The villagers, thinking of them being dead, go to their house, wrap them in a shroud and take them to the crematory. At last, the husband says to the wife, okay two chapatis for you!

This is a personal narrative of the life of the speaker Mohammad Khalid. The narrative is in the Northern (Mandē) dialect of Azamgarhi with some code-switching to Urdu.

This is a personal narrative about an incident of the childhood time of Naushad Shaikh, the paternal uncle of the researcher, in Mandē village of Azamgarh.

This is a conversation between four-five people. Maaz — accompanied by his father — visits his (late) paternal grandmother’s ancestral home in Mande village. His father and his grandmother’s sister-in-law have a conversation which was joined by her relatives too. Maaz finds the conversation quite interesting and decides to record it. It ranges from a discussion on the modern age and its issues on family members, religion, current issues, politics, etc.

This is a recording of Mr. Anwar reciting a joke on the wit of an Indian involved in an argument with an American and a Russian.

This is a monologue on Mande village by Master Mohammad Khalid. The narrative is in the Northern (Mande) dialect of Azamgarhi. Frequent code-switching to Urdu can be easily heard even when pointed out to speak in the local language by the researcher in the beginning part of the recording.