The approach of the study is historical and institutional. The thesis compares the performance of the pre-war Nigerian economy to its post-war performance. The study analyzes the role of petroleum production, agriculture, and the banking system as the major generators of growth in the economy. It portrays the political framework of the country, and endeavors to give a clear and concise understanding of the economic and political implications of the war. Development planning policy issues are examined and evaluated to ascertain the degree to which Nigerian planners are fully aware of the nation's development obstacles.

The primary purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in the Nigerian civil war, 1967-1970. The working hypothesis of this thesis is that as a result of (1) conservatism of the OAU; (2) Article 3, paragraphs II and III of.the OAU Charter; and (3) the influence of foreign powers on the OAU, the Organization has not been very successful in handling African conflicts. The purposes of this study necessitated researching a wide array of literature on the Organization of African Unity, conflicts in Africa since 1963, and the Nigerian civil war.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine and re-evaluate the questions involved in federalism and political problems in Nigeria. The strategy adopted in this study is historical, The study examines past, recent, and current literature on federalism and political problems in Nigeria. Basically, the first two chapters outline the historical background and basis of Nigerian federalism and political problems. Chapters three and four consider the evolution of federalism, political problems, prospects of federalism, self-government, and attainment of complete independence on October 1, 1960. Chapters five and six deal with the activities of many groups, crises, military coups, and civil war. The conclusions and recommendations candidly argue that a decentralized federal system remains the safest way for keeping Nigeria together stably.

The problem of this thesis is to examine the military-press relationship in Nigeria from 1966 to 1979 and to determine whether activities of the military government contributed to violation of press freedom by prior restraint, postpublication censorship and penalization. Newspaper and magazine articles related to this study were analyzed. Interviews with some journalists and military personnel were also conducted. Materials collected show that the military violated some aspects of press freedom, but in most cases, however, journalists were free to criticize government activities. The judiciary prevented the military from arbitrarily using its power against the press. The findings show that although the military occasionally attempted suppressing the press, there are few instances that prove that journalists were denied press freedom.

The purpose of this study is to inquire if there are dispositions of any type. of newscast carried by ABC News about Nigeria and if these newscasts are positively or negatively inclined. The analysis quantified and verified that while the broadcast content of ABC News presentations on Nigeria have been objectively covered, the newscasts have taken stereotypical patterns. This, thereby establishes the need for ABC News, being an example of American network news, to diversify and cover stories of social and human interest in Nigeria and other Third World countries. The study concludes that a true maxim of news coverage is needed as a guide to unbiased, unslanted or cliched news presentations.

This study reviews the evolution of Nigerian broadcasting from 1935 to 1979, with emphasis on the development of Nigerian television broadcasting. The problem was to discern how Nigeria's social and political structures have affected its radio and television system. The study concludes that both the heterogeneity of Nigerian society and the country's continued political unrest pose a threat to either private or government ownership of television stations. Today, approximately 1.5 million television sets serve over 80 million Nigerians, and this imbalance should be corrected before Nigerian television can be considered a mass medium. Nigeria's present administration maintains that its control of the country's television is necessary; critics feel, however, that federal control restrains television from developing its potential, especially in promoting national unity.