This investigation is concerned with the determination of the exact nature of Anglo-Spanish relations during World War I. It examines the nature of these relations in an attempt to define Spain's commitment to her neutrality policy and the amount of pressure placed upon Spain by Britain in order to force Spain to adopt a policy of at least "benevolent neutrality." Most historical accounts heretofore have accepted the idea that Spain simply refused to abandon her neutrality policy.

From 1924 to 1929 the Roman Catholic Church and the Mexican State engaged in the crucial stage of a long-time struggle to determine whether the former would be independent of or subordinate to the latter. This thesis analyzes Church-State relations during this five year period and stresses the activities of President Plutarco Elías Calles, the Roman Catholic hierarchy, and more fanatic Mexican Catholics.

The problem undertaken in this thesis is a study of Ayn Rand's political theory as presented in her writings. Rand considers herself both a novelist and a philosopher; her writings are not primarily political in nature. Thus, compiling her political philosophy requires an interpretation of her views on all subjects.

"The primary concern of this work is to present a clearer picture of the Reconstruction period in Texas, particularly as it relates to the black. Little consideration is given to those blacks elected to public office; rather concern is placed on those outside the then 'Establishment.' To view the black in terms of those elected to public office only presents a distorted picture and negates the influence blacks had on electoral politics. In the main, evidence presented by most historians writing on this period has tended to ignore a major factor which has influenced Texas politics, namely violence. Those who acknowledge the presence of this violence tended to 'understand' the southern white and thus justify the use of this violence. The influence of violence is massive and some attempt must be made to understand the actual way in which it was directed. Here it is only established that violence was racial with some political overtones. There is no doubt that further research will prove very valuable in understanding this period."-- leaf 1.

This paper argues that George Orwell was a myth maker in the twentieth century, an age of existential perplexities. Orwell recognized that man is innately "patriotic," that the will-to-believe is part of his nature, but that the excesses of scientific analysis have disrupted the absolutes of belief. Through the Organic Metaphor, Orwell attempted to reconstruct man's faith into an aesthetic, and consequently moral, sensibility. Proposing to balance, and not replace, the Mechanistic Metaphor of industrial society, Orwell sought human progress along aesthetic lines. "Socialism" was his political expression of the Organic Metaphor: both advocated universal integrity in time and space.

In this study, six speeches delivered by Stokely Carmichael, during and immediately following his role as chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, have been analyzed to determine if, and in what ways, Carmichael used the elements of agitational rhetoric.

The major concern of this study is an attempt to analyze the attitudes.of Henry Clay, United States Congressman and Senator from Kentucky, 1807-1852, and three time presidential candidate, concerning the institution of slavery by examining its effects upon his political career from 1798 to 1850. The major conclusions of this study are that early in his life Clay made an intellectual commitment that slavery was wrong and maintained this abstract view of the institution until his death. However, Clay never took an active stand against slavery for three reasons: he believed that an antislavery stand would destroy his political career; he realized the explosiveness of the slavery issue as early as 1799, and his misguided love for the Union forced him to attempt to suppress the issue; and Clay was a racist who did not wish to see the United States populated with a sizable number of free blacks.

The problem undertaken is a study of the political philosophy of Fyodor Dostoevsky to determine to what extent Dostoevsky was a political thinker.

This investigation is concerned with the amount of influence which women had on English politics at the close of the seventeenth century and during the early eighteenth century. Generally, it is assumed that women played a negligible part in politics until the twentieth century; a critical study of the Augustan period, however, shows this to be an invalid assumption. Women were, during that period, elevated to positions of leadership and ascendancy unparalleled until the twentieth century.

The thesis examines isolation and caritas, or charity, in The Confidence-Man as polar themes which express, respectively, withdrawal from and suspicion of the human community and integration within and appreciation for that community. Isolation is considered a negative theme; caritas, an affirmative theme.

The purpose of this study is to compare the staging of the Passion Play of Oberammergau, Germany, with the staging of The Great Passion Play on Mount Oberammergau, Eureka Springs, Arkansas. Source material includes literary writings of the century concerning Passion plays, interview with the directors of both productions, and eyewitness accounts of the 1970 producation in Germany and the 1970, 1971 producations in Eureka Springs, Arkansas, U.S.A. Photographs of actors and scenes from both productions are used throughout the thesis.